History of New Netherland

This page describes the history of New Netherland in greater detail.

Colonial era: 1616–1795

Early history

 
Voyages of Henry Hudson to North America

The Dutch West India Company hired Henry Hudson to seek a passage to Asia in 1611. Hudson sailed to the northeast to find this passage but instead found the coasts of present-day New England and New Netherland.

After he had reported to the Dutch Republic of this fertile land with inhabitants willing to trade, merchants came settling in, and they built multiple settlements. In 1624, the Dutch WIC established the settlement of New Amsterdam on Manhattan Island. New Netherland was also declared a province of the Dutch Republic in the same year and was ruled by Director-Generals appointed by the Dutch WIC. To encourage settlement, the Dutch West India Company established the Patrön System in 1629. Under the system, any person who can bring in and settle at least 50 persons over the age of 15 will receive a liberal grant of land with the title of patrön (akin to "lord").

As the population of New Netherland grew, the people were becoming more disenchanted with the governance of the Dutch WIC over New Netherland. To appease the colonists, the Dutch WIC had convened multiple councils composed of colonists to advise the Director-General. However, the advice of these councils were often ignored by the Director-General. This disgruntlement was amplified when a Director-General, Willem Kieft, started a war against the natives over stolen pigs in 1643, against the wishes of the colonial council.

As a response to Kieft's war, the Board of Nine, led by colonist and lawyer Adriaen van der Donck, penned a complaint to the Dutch Republic against the unresponsiveness of the Dutch WIC to the colonists' rights and requests. This document was called the Remonstrance of New Netherland and had condemned the WIC for mismanagement and demanded full rights for the colonists as citizens of the Netherlands.

The Municipal Charter of 1656

 
Adriaen van der Donck

The Dutch WIC responded to the complaints by appointing Peter Stuyvesant as the Director-General. During this time, land ownership regulations were loosened and liberalized, and the province experienced exponential growth. However, multiple complaints were still made against the WIC’s control and governance over the province.

This had led Adriaen van der Donck to return to the Dutch Republic once again and seek redress. After years of political and legal wrangling, the Dutch Republic finally came down against the Dutch WIC and decided to grant New Netherland a new municipal charter in 1652, giving them a popularly elected government to govern internal affairs. Van der Donck became the colony's first leader. This charter also barred the Dutch WIC from internal affairs and governance. The former Director General Peter Stuyvesant was appointed as the Governor-General in Dutch Formosa.

English encroachment

During the early years of New Netherland, the English colonists in the northeast have started settling on Dutch claimed territory. Numerous English settlements have been built on the west side of the Fresh River (Connecticut River), which was originally claimed by the Dutch. Having been defenseless, the few Dutch colonists in those areas were forced to abandon their settlements. Van der Donck asserted the claims of the Dutch. Additionally, by advise of his right-hand man Paulus van der Grist, Van der Donck established the NNL-Kommando system in 1659 (with the approval of the Dutch States-General). The NNL-Kommando system was a paramilitary reserve system created for the defense of the Dutch claimed areas in case of skirmishes and for settlement defense in general. The system also provided the colonists with training in weaponry and defense.

Second Anglo-Dutch War (1664)

 
Map of the 2nd Anglo-Dutch War (1664-1667)

In our (original) timeline, this is where England had demanded New Netherland’s surrender, to which the New Netherland government (WIC) obliged because they were too weak to resist. However, in this timeline, the popular government of New Netherland refused to surrender. England then attacked the fort at New Amsterdam, and attacked the settlements near the border of New England. However, the local Kommandos and the Iroquois (Dutch allies) were able to quickly respond and repel these attacks. The Dutch West India Company’s army quickly marched towards Nieuwhaven and other settlements along the Fresh River (Connecticut River), as these settlements were on Dutch claimed land. Despite initial English naval success, the war ended in a Dutch victory. The resulting Treaty of Breda (1667) affirmed Dutch ownership of the land west of the Versche River and the land south of New Netherland up to the Zuyd River.

Prince Maurice’s War (1750-1755)

Prince Maurice's War
Part of Great Silesian War
 
Location
Northern America
Result Treaty of Vienna; French defeat
Belligerents
New France United Kingdom
Spain
Netherlands

Prince Maurice's War was the colonial American theatre of a larger conflict in Europe known as the Great Silesian War. It was one of the largest colonial wars in North America, where the colonies of Britain, Spain, and the Dutch Republic were pitted against those of France and their native allies.

In the early years of the war, New France saw significant gains on the Tussenland front, occupying key areas. However, Dutch forces soon overpowered the invading French forces and marched northeast towards the Great Lakes region in 1751, capturing several key forts in the area. Meanwhile, the armies of New France had marched south from Montreal to invade the Iroquoian homeland, which was a protectorate under the Dutch colony of Tussenland. However, the local guerilla militia known as the NNL-Kommando had successfully repelled the invasion. An attempt by the NNL-Kommando to take Montreal had ended terribly, but soon, in late 1752, the city was occupied by combined Dutch and British forces. Quebec and other forts along the St. Lawrence River were occupied in 1753. The war ended with the signing of the Treaty of Vienna on 16 February 1755. The treaty granted the Dutch possession of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi Basin region, while the British were granted possession of the islands of Basse-Terre, Grande-Terre, Les Saintes, Marie-Galante, and La Désirade.

Statute on the Rights of Patroons (1786) & The Military Assimilation Law (1792)

 
Eleazar Henrÿcksz, last Director-General of Colonial New Netherland.

The 1700s in New Netherland were defined by border conflicts between the patroons, and tension between the patroon militias and the NNL-Kommando trying to cont

ain these conflicts. Sibren van Heemskerck, a staunch anti-aristocrat, was elected by the colonial assembly as director of New Netherland in 1785. The Council of Nine, now mostly occupied by settlers and workers, had hoped that Director van Heemskerck would crack down on the abuses by the patroons in their domain, which was largely ignored by the preceding director. In 1786, van Heemskerck issued the Statute on the Rights of Patroons in 1786, which stripped the patroons of absolute power to rule over their lands. Under the statute, the director of the colony would have greater authority, and all land-owning patroons would now be subject to the director and the colonial council of Nine. The statute was part of van Heemskerck’s attempts to centralize and solidify the colony’s administration and authority.”

In 1792, the succeeding leader of NNL, Eleazar Henrÿcksz,  enacted the Military Assimilation Law, which did mostly two things:

  1. Heavy taxation for the patroons.
  2. Use this new tax to buy off the militia from the patroons and increase the budget for the NNL-Kommando. So they become less powerful.

War of Independence: 1795–1796

The French Revolution and Political Turmoil in New Netherland

As part of the revolutionary campaign in the Low Countries, the French Republic invaded the Dutch Republic, and replaced it with a client state, the Batavian Republic. The Dutch stadtholder, Prince of Orange, who had fled to England, initially refused to recognize the Batavian Republic, and ordered all Dutch colonial governors to surrender to and temporarily accept British authority instead for safekeeping. As the news got to the New Netherland, many were demoralized and discouraged by the orders. It had demoralized both the private patroon militias and the NNL-Kommandos as well. Two loosely-knit factions emerged from this conflict:

  • Loyalists: supporters of the Dutch republic and Dutch colonial interests, who denounced the surrender orders as treacherous
  • Orangists: Supporters of William V, who warmly viewed the orders as legitimate.

Even the loyalist opinion was divided. Some viewed William V order as treacherous, while some refused to surrender and maintain the colony as it is until William V is restored to power (believing a conspiracy that William V had been forced/coerced by the British to surrender the colonies). Director-General Eleazar Henrÿcksz, a staunch Orangist, warmly received the orders and sent them to the Colonial Assembly for approval. The Assembly, which was composed of mostly Orangists, set aside their disdain for the Director for now, and approved the order quickly, in fear of a military conflict between Great Britain and New Netherland.

This move by the Director and the council left the patroons and loyalist common-folk disillusioned. The NNL-Kommando denounced the decision of Eleazar Henrÿcksz and the Colonial Assembly.

The Particularists

A new faction had emerged: the Particularists, composed of patroons, NNL-Kommandos, and common-folk who did not want to surrender to Great Britain, and a bunch of previously non-radical folk who were now disdainful of the government. Although this was a loosely knit faction, many patroons and commonfolk have identified themselves to be particularists.

But despite the protests, Director Eleazar Henryckszoon announced the colony’s surrender. He put New Netherland at the British disposal on November 1795 on paper. However, the particularists were outraged at the hasty decision-making and the lack of public involvement in the decision.

The Particularist Revolt (1795)

The Dutch Colonial Force had suffered massive defection and desertion by their troops, due to the demoralizing surrender to the British. Some particularists, however, saw this as an opportunity to remove the Orangists from power. In 1796, Claes van der Beeke, a wealthy patroon who controlled a large militia, planned a coup d’etat in Spring 1796, using a combined force of his militia and NNL-Kommando defectors. This army was called the Vrÿheydsleger (lit. Freedom Army, although this did not imply independence, rather freedom from British occupation). Claes’ son, Marÿn van der Beeke, led this army and marched to New Amsterdam to seize control of the city.

On April 2, 1796, the Prinsenvlag was once again flown at the Unity Palace (seat of colonial government), after the Vrÿheydsleger defeated the army stationed at Fort New Amsterdam.

On 4 April 1796, Claes van Beeke declared a provisional military government. This provisional government did not aim to gain independence or secede from the Dutch Republic, but rather to briefly fill in the power void that occurred.

Director Eleazar Henrycksz and some members of the Council of Nine were arrested by Claes van der Beeke’s army a week later for treason. The townspeople of Kievitshoeck, a small village near the northern border, recognized them dressed in farmers’ grabs trying to escape to New England, and alerted the local NNL-Kommando field-captain in the area. Captured members of the colonial assembly were forced to swear their allegiance to the Dutch Republic and the provisionary colonial government. They were detained in Fort Van der Donck (named after the Father of New Netherland) in New Amsterdam.

 
New Netherland Independence

The Autumn War (1796)

A month after the coup, New England diplomat Alexander Upperton delivered an ultimatum from the British to the provisionary colonial government of New Netherland. Claes van der Beeke was to surrender to the British within the next month or New Netherland would face grave consequences from Great Britain. During this period, Voskes would not follow through, and ordered the hasty construction of defenses near the New England border.

Realizing that his authority might be in danger, Van der Beeke sent an envoy to France to ask for recognition and support. The envoy, Gÿsje van Langedÿk, was received well in France, citing a mutual distrust towards the English and support for the French Republic. Van Langedÿk successfully negotiated a loan for the provisional government, which had a positive impact in the early years of the government.

Great Britain declared war against New Netherland in 1796 for refusing the ultimatum. But was outnumbered by the New Netherland and French forces combined. Man of the hour was Marÿn van Beeke, who led the New Netherland forces to victory in battles. He was the son of a wealthy patroon and had military experience in the NNL-Kommando and briefly the Dutch West India army.

The war continued on until 1798 (two years). The war resulted in a stalemate. Former director Eleazar Henryckszoon was exiled to Great Britain. Great Britain was forced to withdraw from the Autumn war due to the outbreak of the War of the Second Coalition back in Europe.

End of the Hödenoshieöné Confederacy

After the successful independence of New Netherland in 1796, the new government started to claim lands owned by the Iroquois. Before their independence, New Netherland was already allowed by the Iroquois to build settlements inside their land, in exchange for a quarterly land due. However, with New Netherland's independence, the Iroquois confederacy was wary if the new government would continue to pay their dues. A few years later, the new government claimed a vast portion of Iroquois land as part of New Netherland, but promised that they would still pay the dues that the government owes them. Despite the promise, some nations inside the confederacy (most notably the Seneca and the Cayuga) protested the claims, pointing the violation of their sovereignty. The Grand Council of the confederacy convened multiple times with the agenda of how to resolve the conflicting claims. The Cayuga and Seneca advocated that they move south, away from New Netherland, as a means to preserve their sovereignty, while the others voted to retain in their traditional homeland. After the second stadtholder of independent New Netherland, Isaac Kuyter, enacted the Northwestern Borders and Assimilation Law of 1816, and the confederacy's Grand Council unable to come to a conclusion, the Seneca and Cayuga led a migration down south and became protectorates of the Dutch, thus ending the confederacy.

The Patrön period: 1796–1903

The First Stadtholders

The New Patroon Government, under Marÿn van der Beeke, first stadtholder of New Netherland (1796-1811)

 
Maryn van der Beeke, first stadtholder of New Netherland

The patroons had convened in the capital to decide a new form of government. They agreed on a new constitution: New Netherland was to be led by a stadtholder, which was to be elected by a Patroon Council. The term of the stadtholder would end once he dies or his health is deteriorating to a point where he no longer can lead. The first stadtholder elected was Marÿn van der Beeke, the famous New Netherlander general who had captured the city of New Amsterdam from the former colonial government. The council chose him for his popularity among the rural classes and his prestigious patroon status as the son of one of the largest patroons in New Netherland.

He officially took the office on September 17, 1796. His policies would be known for compromises between the rural agricultural workers and the patroons. The rural peasantry and the liberal-minded patroons lauded him, but he made political opponents in the conservative circle of patroons. He did not entertain issues pertaining to the normalization of relations between the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Van der Beeke also enacted the Abolition of Slavery Act in 1810, which was seen as an economic decision rather than a moral decision (i.e. to prevent slave labor from competing with the rural peasantry) which pleased the working and middle classes of New Netherland.

His policies towards the Iroquois in the north were amicable. He reiterated multiple times during his rule that the New Netherland government would continue to pay land dues to the Iroquois for the settlements that they had built on native territory.

Later on, his health became a heated discussion among the Patroon Council when rumors circulated that van der Beeke had contracted syphilis from his numerous affairs with women, which according to his biggest political opponent and fellow patroon, Jacobus van Ackerhuys, was grounds for his impeachment from the stadholderateship (on the grounds of deteriorating health). This attempt was dismissed by the Patroon Council due to lack of evidence. Van der Beeke dismissed the rumors as an attempt to destabilize the young republic.

Van der Beeke harbored strong anti-Orangist and anti-British views. He sought friendlier relations with the republican government in France and fostered a good relationship with the separatist circles in Virginia. During his rule, no bilateral diplomatic relations were opened with the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Van der Beeke died in 1811 at age 41.

Reign of Isaac Kuyter (1811-1822)

 
Isaac Kuyter, second stadtholder of NNL

Isaac Kuyter was a patroon originally from New Anglia, with his roots tracing from the original English settlers of Nieuhaven in the 17th century. He gained notoriety in the Patroon Council as Van der Beeke's right-hand-man. Due to his affinity with the English patroons and supporters of Van der Beeke, Kuyter was able to win the stadtholderateship election. His reign saw the continuation of Van der Beeke's policies. Like Van der Beeke, he refused to recognize the Kingdom of the Netherlands and reiterated that New New Netherland was the only true Dutch Republic. However, unlike his predecessor, he was seeking friendly ties with Great Britain and turned away from the influence of New France. Conservative patroons grew distrustful of Kuyter in the process.

Kuyter's reign saw significant improvements in quality of life for New Netherland, such as the enacting of the Postal Service Act of 1812, and the National Bank and Coinage Act of 1814. However, he was most notorious for the Northwestern Borders and Assimilation Act of 1816, which declared that land up to 82°W would be fully considered as New Netherland territory, and invited the Iroquians to be "part of the Republic as a full New Netherlander". The Act also stated that the government would stop paying the land dues to the Iroquois since it would be fully integrated to New Netherland. This was met with heavy criticism from Iroquoian leaders, who saw this a violation of their sovreignity, and caused the Seneca and Cayuga to migrate southwards and seek protectorateship status from the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Kuyter unexpectedly died in 1822 inside his private manor at age 56, due to a dubious "falling accident," and was buried in his private manor in Nieuhaven. In recent years, many have called for the exhumation of Kuyter's remains to re-examine his death with the modern advancements in forensics, but attempts were blocked by the Kuyter family.

Reign of Hendrick I van Ackerhuys (1822-1836)

 
Hendrick I van Ackerhuys

Hendrik van Ackerhuys styled himself as simply Hendrick and started his reign in 1822. In a complete reversal of his predecessor's policies, he sought to normalize relations with the Kingdom of the Netherlands. His opinion was popular with the Patroon council and led to his election as New Netherland's third stadtholder.

He was initially favored by both the patroons and the rural peasantry, but multiple scandals had tainted his reign as years passed. He was engaged in the corruption and siphoning of the state government fund and confiscating lands owned by his political opponents (such as the confiscation of van der Beeke's manor north of New Amsterdam).

In 1835, he penned the Decree on New Netherland Succession, which made the stadtholderate hereditary on the grounds of protecting the continuity and stability of the government. This action evoked mixed but primarily adverse reactions within the Patroon Council, which now had been demoted to an advisory role. However, he was able to gain the support of several patroons through bribery and negotiation with the patroons (giving land confiscated from political enemies, political favors, etc.). In 1831, he gains de-facto absolute power when he obtained support from the military him in his exploits. The military under his rule was centralized. Some of the patroons tried to muster their militias and staged multiple minor revolts, but none were successful.

In 1832, he disbanded the Kommando System that had been in place since the late 1650s, confiscating weapons issued to the town militias. Despite these actions, he was lauded by the common folk for taking a stand against the Patroons and securing their loyalty by enacting the Agricultural Act of 1833, which set a standardized ceiling for the agricultural tax that the patroons were able to tax on the farmers. He died in 1836 in his private manor, and the stadtholderateship was passed to his son.

Reign of Hendrick II van Ackerhuys (1836-1855)

 
Hendrick II

Hendrick II was the son of the previous stadtholder, Hendrick van Ackerhuys. He succeeded immediately after his father immediately after his death in 1836. His ascension to the stadtholderate was not uncontested, but he was able to subdue his political opponents by arresting them on false charges. He is mostly known for New Netherland's entry and eventual defeat in the Canton War against Britain and France.

Canton War and the 2nd Dutch-Spanish War

When the Canton War between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Great Britain erupted in 1850, the Kingdom of the Netherlands convinced Hendrick II to aid them in attacking the British in New England, without the Patroon Council's knowledge. Furthermore, Van Ackerhuys was promised personal fortune and land claims for New Netherland stretching westward up to Boston, New England after the war was over. Eventually, the truth behind the secret affair was unraveled, and the Patroon Council protested the mobilization of troops but had very little power to stop it. Ultimately, the Kingdom of the Netherlands and New Netherland lost the war, tanking van Ackerhuys popularity in all social classes in New Netherland. Fearing a coup, van Ackerhuys agreed to abdicate the stadtholderate in favor of his liberal-minded son, Lodewijk van Ackerhuys.

Reign of Lodewÿck van Ackerhuys (1855-1870)

Lodewÿck van Ackerhuys was coronated on July 14, 1855. It was during his rule that the coastal cities of New Netherland underwent gradual modernization and industrialization, creating an entire new working class population in the city, that contrasted with the rural peasantry in the patroonships. This was due to his policy of increasing tariffs for European imports, allowing the local industry in New Netherland to flourish. Lodewÿck was seen as a moderate, trying to balance the interests of New Netherland and its relations with other powers.

New Netherland's involvement in the Tussenland Revolts, and acquisition of Aruba, Curaçao, and Bonaire
 
Location of the ACB Islands in the Caribbean Sea

New Netherland's relationship with the Kingdom of the Netherlands significantly improved after New Netherland extended support and passage for the Kingdom of the Netherlands' military during the Tussenland Upheavals, a series of revolts in the Dutch colony of Tussenland. The combined power of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and New Netherland was unsuccessful in quelling the revolts. Nevertheless, New Netherland gained the trust of the European kingdom. However, their actions also led to strained relations with the Tussenlanders, who started to distrust New Netherland and their intentions. The ACB islands became a special territory or "colony" of New Netherland. Lodewÿck appointed Gÿs Haverhoeck as ACB's first Director-General. His government introduced aloe to the islands and became one of New Netherland's profitable industries.

The Second Patroon Constitution (1870-1903)

Calls for reform, and the death of Lodewÿck

Since Lodewÿck ascended to the throne in 1855, there had been multiple calls from the other patroons to restore the elective monarchy of New Netherland, with additional restrictions. Lodewÿck was sympathetic to this cause, but treaded very carefully on the issue as to not cause political instability and unrest. Since 1863, slow but substantial progress had already been made for a new constitution for New Netherland. The pressure to finish the constitution increased after Lodewÿck became ill in February 1870.

On March 16, the Committee of the Constitution (Amerikaens: Comisie v'nde Grondwet) finished penning the constitution, with the patroon council ratifying it a day later. Elections within the patroon council were to be held a week later. Lodewÿck, however, unexpectedly died on March 20, 1870, three days prior to the election of a new stadtholder. Since the new constitution was already ratified, the patroon council still agreed to continue with the elections, but was postponed a few days later to March 30, 1870.

Unsuccessful Coup by Johan Wilhelm (1870)

Johan Wilhelm van Ackerhuys, Lodewÿck's eldest son and the heir apparent of the New Netherland under the old constitution, refused to recognize the new constitution. On March 20, 1870, he marched to the Unity Palace along with a small group of ten men he had mustered, and demanded the be allowed entry to the palace. He was arrested later that afternoon for nuisance. After he was released later in the day, Johan Wilhelm left for the Kingdom of the Netherlands along with his family.

The Stadtholderate under the Second Patroon Constitution

The tenure of each stadtholder was short-lived under the second patroon constitution, with the longest reign being 12 years. Effectively, these stadtholders held very little actual power. Power and influence was concentrated within a few people in a junta, with some members from the Patroon council and the Constitution Committee. The junta, colloquially called "De Raedt" (the council), was virtually capable of installing or removing stadtholders arbitrarily.

Seven stadtholders served under the second patroon constitution, namely: Jan-Maryn de Boetsselaer (1874-1876), Johan de Kleyn (1876-1880), Albertus May (1880-1892), Carel van Twiller (1892-1896), Quincey van Moock (1896-1900), and Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau (1900-1903). These stadtholders are sometimes coloquially referred to as the "marionet" stadtholders (from Amerikaans marionet, meaning puppet). Most notable of these stadtholders was de Gelüs-Clérisseau, the last stadtholder of New Netherland prior to the 1903 revolution, and led the country during the outbreak of the Dutch-Mexican War.

Reign of Quincey van Moock (1888-1900) and the Van Moock Customs Scandal (1900)

 
Quincey van Moock

Quincey van Moock was a Nieuw Anglian patroon elected into the stadtholderate in 1888to replace Carel van Twiller. He was known for his moderate policies towards diplomacy and international trade. However, he was most notorious for the Moock Customs Scandal in 1900, where it was discovered that over 1.25 Million Daalders in customs receipts and tariff revenues were embezzled under his oversight since he took office in 1888. Several prominent patroons were also implicated in the scandal, including former stadtholder Carel van Twiller. The Patroon Council temporarily suspended Van Moock on September 3, 1900, and appointed Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau as the acting stadtholder while the council conducts an internal investigation.

Several independent investigative journalists, most notably from the bilingual English/Amerikaans publication De Amerikaense Telegraef, launched separate investigations regarding the matter, exposing the corruption within the government of New Netherland. On September 5, a physical altercation occurred between Van Moock and prominent journalist Nicolaes van Dam, the latter being beaten by Van Moock using an iron cane after he was caught spying on the Van Moock estate in Nieuhaven. Newspapers inside and outside of New Netherland publicized the incident and caused public outrage.

Van Moock was arrested over the incident on the same day. A month later, the Patroon Council declared Van Moock guilty on charges of fraud and embezzlement, and he was sentenced to life imprisonment and exile to the remote island territory of Curaçao. Despite this, the public was still outraged, sparking several riots in New Amsterdam and Nieuwhaven.

It is accepted among contemporary historians that Van Moock was a scapegoat to cover the more extensive corruption within the Patroon Council.

Jan Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau, last stadtholder of New Netherland (1900-1903)

 
Jan Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau

Jan Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau (born Jean Théodore Clérisseau) was a lawyer and patroon in New Netherland. He was of Meerenlander French and Amerikaner descent, his father being from the Francophone province of Meerenland, Tussenland who fled to New Netherland during the Tussenland Upheavals (1859-1861). His mother, Sophia, was the heiress of the de Gelüs patroonship. Theodorus inherited the de Gelüs estate when his mother died in 1883, with his father deemed ineligible to the inheritance and his elder brother dying years prior.

Theodorus joined the Patroon Council after his grandfather and representative of the De Gelüs patroonship to the Patroon Council, Jacobus de Gelüs, died in 1898. He adopted the Amerikaner name Jan Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau in the same year.

Role in the Dutch-Mexican War (1901-1903)

New Netherland had been in friendly terms with the Kingdom of the Netherlands since the mid-1800s, and had been providing military and naval access to the Dutch colony of Tussenland, which had been landlocked from the Atlantic after the 2nd Dutch-Spanish War (1850-1855). New Netherland had also provided active military support to the Netherlands during the Tussenland Upheavals (1859-1861). In 1900, the Kingdom of the Netherlands became embroiled in a new conflict against the Mexican Empire over the territories of Acansa and Misürie, and had once again requested support from New Netherland. The Patroon Council saw this as an opportunity to divert public attention away from the ongoing corruption scandals. Stadtholder Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau, who controlled the New Netherland military, approved of the use of the military to aid the Dutch. On November 26, 1901, New Netherland declared war on the Mexican Empire. 35000 men and women were sent to Dutch Tussenland to participate in the war.

The New Netherland Republican Revolution (1903)

New Netherland's participation in the war was heavily unpopular with the New Netherland populace, which cited the lack of transparency over the decisions. Mass revolts broke out in New Amsterdam and New Anglia in 1902, led by a coalition of peasant farmers and working class citizens outraged by the corruption, lack of social welfare, lack of transparency, and the general political backwardness of New Netherland. With most of New Netherland's military fighting the war in Dutch Tussenland, it was up to the ill-equipped New Netherland Constabulary to keep the peace. By January 1903, what were loosely-related and isolated uprisings in New Netherland turned into a concentrated and well-coordinated effort to overthrow the Patroon Government of New Netherland. In the same month, Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau hastily sent orders to fully withdraw the New Netherland forces from the frontlines, and help in quelling the revolts in the home country. However, logistical difficulties due to the long distances resulted in a delayed response from the military. On February 18, 1903, the revolutionaries were able to take over the Unity Palace in New Amsterdam. Revolutionaries declared the abolishment of the stadtholderate and the establishment of a provisionary Republic of New Netherland.

Theodorus de Gelüs-Clérisseau fled north to Schenecktadie and urged support from their neighboring countries in against the revolts. However, he was eventually arrested in the same month, along with some of the members of the Patroon Council implicated in the Van Moock Customs Scandal three years earlier.

The Republican era

 
Mees van Haerst, first raedspensionaris of NNL

After a new constitution was ratified in June 1903, a special election was held in July. Bertelmeus "Mees" van Haerst was sworn in as the first raedspensionaris of New Netherland, the highest executive government position in the new republic. The new government is a unitary parliamentary republic, composed of the executive (led by the raedspensionaris), legislative (a bicameral States-General), and judicial branches. Mees van Haerst's party, the NNL Unity Party (Amerikaens: NNL Înheydtspartÿ), dominated the seats within the States-General. The NNL Unity Party was a coalition party composed of representatives from the different socio-economic sectors of New Netherland.

New Netherland under the NNL Unity Party (1903-1911)

Mees van Haerst and his party were able to stay in power for eight years (2 terms of 4 years). Historians attribute these to several reasons:

  1. They acted upon the demands of the various sectors (Land Reform Law of 1903, early Labor Code of 1905, National Bank Resolution of 1907, Women's Vote Law of 1910, et cetera). Most notable was the land reform act, which redistributed the lands of the former patroons to the rural peasants who worked the land.
  2. A common anti-Dutch sentiment after Dutch ships began raiding NNL merchant ships during their blockade of the Atlantic (following Tussenland's independence).

The Quasi-War against the Kingdom of the Netherlands (1906-1908)

Back in 1905, New Netherland supported the Federation of Tussenland in their independence against the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The Dutch conducted a blockade of the Gulf of Mexico to prevent Tussenlander ships from entering or exiting the Atlantic. However, goods and resources could still be shipped to Tussenland due to their Pacific ports and through New Netherland. Naturally, in September 1905, this blockade eventually extended to the seas of New Netherland. At first, NNL ships could pass through with ease through the blockade, as the Dutch only targeted Tussenlander ships. However, this changed when on February 1, 1906, the Dutch warship Amsterdam sunk the JHS Restaurasie, a merchant ship owned by the Jonkman Shipping Company based in New Netherland. New Netherland issued a diplomatic protest against the Kingdom of the Netherlands, but both sides took no further diplomatic action.

Instead, New Netherland mandated the outfitting of merchant ships with weaponry in order for them to defend themselves in case of a Dutch attack. This soon rapidly developed into an undeclared naval war between the Kingdom of the Netherlands and New Netherland. In 1906, the Kingdom of the Netherlands was able to sink four more ships of New Netherland. This rapidly escalated into an undeclared naval war between the two powers. The Dutch had the upper hand in 1906, but the tides were quickly turned in the following years. The Quasi-War catalyzed New Netherland's ship production, enabling them to outfit and deploy new submarines and armed merchant ships. The willingness of the Dutch to continue the blockade gradually started to wane in 1908, as their ships were constantly harassed by NNL merchant ships and submarine fleets. Since this was an undeclared war, there was no formal conclusion to the Quasi-War. However, the last naval encounter between NNL and the Netherlands was on April 4, 1910.

The aftermath of the Quasi-War to NNL Politics, and the fracturing of the Unity Party

During the Quasi-War (1906-1908), the NNL Unity Party's popularity was high. However, after tensions cooled down, the party's constituents started to focus back again on domestic issues. Conflicting interests within the party led to its fracturing. The original NNL Unity Party still existed, but its supporters now mainly consisted of former peasants-turned-landowners in the rural areas. During the 1911 General Elections, the following parties vied for seats in the NNL States-General: the Unity Party, the Progressive Party, the Labor Party, and the Communard Party. Magnus Bartelsz of the Progressive Party was elected as the new raedspensionaris in 1911.

Progressive Party Rule (1911-1927)

 
Magnus Bartelsz in 1912

After the Progressive Party (Amerikaens: Progressievpartÿ) took power in 1911, the government of New Netherland brought in a new era of social and political reform. The 1910s to 1930s has been known as the "Golden Era" of New Netherland, in terms of both economic growth and political reform. The Progressive Party introduced many reforms including the Tax Reform Act of 1912, Social Reform and Poverty Act of 1913, and most notably the Women's Vote Act of 1914. Women's suffrage, which had been promised by the Mees van Haerst's Unity Party in the early 1900s, had only been realized by the Progressive Party in 1914. The pool of new voters in the 1915 National Elections of New Netherland led to Bartelsz reelection for a second term. The primary opposition parties during this period were the Communard-Labor Party and Democratic-Labor parties.

In 1915, Bartelsz launched a campaign to crack down on organized crime and mobster violence, which arose from the rampant smuggling during the years of the Quasi-War (1906-1910). More often, these groups of mobs were based around rivalling immigrant and worker groups, and had explicit political ties to the labor and communard parties of New Netherland. During the periods between 1915-1925, several arrests have been made, including high-profile personalities affiliated with the labor-communard alliance. The Progressive Party's use of propaganda was heavy, often linking the mobs, and by extension, the labor-communard party, to the secret police of Dictatorial France under Grand Marshal Camille Laframboise. These "anti-mob" policies were continued by Bartelsz' successors, Johannes Karsen and Maurits Thomas Hudson.

Involvement in the Floridan Independence War (1925)

During Maurits Thomas Hudson's tenure as raedspensionaris, the largest debate in government came near the end of his tenure. The progressive party's opinion on the Floridan Independence movement during the late 1920s was split. During the European Economic Crisis of the first half of the 1920s, The Dominion of Florida (under Spain) sold large holdings of land and sharecropping contracts to New Netherlander businessmen in order to stay afloat. Hudson believed that it was New Netherland's responsibility to protect the interests of these New Netherlanders, and concluded that it intervention was necessary. Hudson passed a motion to support Spain in their war against the Floridan revolutionaries, and narrowly passed the States-General. In 1925, New Netherland officially declared their support for Spain and the Dominion of Florida. This move upset Mexican politicians, who had been supporting Florida's independence from Spain.

Over the course of the war from 1925-1929, New Netherland's support started off as economic assistance to Spain, but eventually grew into aerial scouting missions and direct military support, but only in a supporting role. The war was widely publicized at home, with the government publicizing images of New Netherlander aircraft and mercenaries in action in Florida. The Battle of Amarillo, in particular, captivated the New Netherland public into support for the war. However, despite the heroic imagery of New Netherland, the war was not going well for Spain and New Netherland. Skeptics in New Netherland started to question the massive investment of the government into the war effort, even causing a schism of opinion within the ruling Progressive Party itself. Despite this, Hudson remain committed to the war effort, as he believed that it would be an undesirable image for the Progressive Party during the upcoming 1927 elections.

A group of progressives split off from the Progressive Party and teamed up with several members from Înheydspartÿ (Unity Party), New Netherland's first ruling political party after the 1903 revolution. They formed a new political alliance, called the Vrÿlotpartÿ (or Free Destiny Party in English). The new party was led by Christiaen Huysman, nephew of New Netherland's second raedspensionaris, Magnus Bartelsz. The Free Destiny Party called for the end of New Netherland's support for Spain in the Floridan War of Independence, which they saw as a hopeless and wasteful endeavor. The party also employed the use of muckrakers to discredit the incumbent government.

New Netherland under the Free Destiny Party (1927-1930s)

 
Christiaen Huysman in 1928

The Free Destiny party won the 1927 elections, and after the port city of Santa Cruz fell to the rebels on 9 March 1927, immediately formally dropped out of the conflict. The new government of New Netherland pressured the Spanish to surrender. Spain eventually surrendered on 12 April 1927, and the independent Republic of Florida was established. New Netherland was one of the first countries to recognize Florida's independence.

The government of Christiaen Huysman introduced new regulations in New Netherland economic policy, most notably the regularization of railroad rates and expansion of the education system. Huysman also introduced the New Netherland Organization Act of 1930, which created several new executive ministries and departments, aimed to delegate the various aspects of governance such as economics, resource management, science and technology to subject matter experts, in what he called a "government aided by experts." Christiaen Huysman was slated to run for raedspensionaris, but due to failing health, had withdrew his leadership of the Free Destiny Party to his right hand man, Jan Kaspar Knip. Knip and the Free Destiny Party won the elections of 1931.

Jan Kaspar Knip and the "American Way" (1931)

 
Jan Kaspar Knip in 1935

Jan Kaspar Knip, inducted as Raedspensionaris in 1931, introduced the concept of the "American Way." Knip believed that New Netherland, as the first nation to gain independence in North America, had the responsibility to lead the construction of an independent "American Community of Nations," together sharing ideals against European neocolonialism and corruption, while building stronger ties with each other. Knip took many steps in the hopes of realizing this dream. He began new diplomatic relations with the Republic of Florida. Most notably, Knip involved New Netherland during the Virginian Coup of 1934, where New Netherland sponsored and supported Virginian revolutionaries in overthrowing the Prohibitionists, which had been in power in Virginia since the Virginian Civil War (1911). In 1936, Knip lauded New England Prime Minister Montgomery for his statement against the sending of New England troops to fight the Great War, while criticizing Tussenland for joining the war on the Cordial League's side. By late 1936, Knip expressed vague interest in supporting New England's separatism from Great Britain.

 
1937 poster map inspired by American Way politics

New Netherland during the Great War

During the Great War (1935-1939), New Netherland officially remained neutral. However, its neutrality was often described as armed neutrality, with New Netherland having undertaken actions not beholding to traditional neutral nations. Together with other American nations, New Netherland sold critical war material to both the British and Russians, and also reportedly to the French, Austrians and Ottomans. This led to minor diplomatic clashes between the New Netherland and the British, however no hostile action was taken by Britain, considering that most of the exported goods were food. Instead, the British and New Netherlander governments signed the Maritime Agreement of 1935, which stipulated that New Netherlander ships would not be sunk by the British navy as long as New Netherland agreed not deliver any war material.

Support for New England's independence

As British rule began to deteriorate in New England in the 1930s, the New Englander separatist sentiment reached its peak. In New Amsterdam, the rapidly deteriorating situation in New England was timely. For many within the New Netherland government, it was seen as a chance to finally remove British presence from the continent. Thus, New Netherland, along with their former long-time rival, Mexico, supported New England's cause for independence.

New Netherland initially provided clandestine support and assurances to the New England government. This soon changed when when British prime minister Benjamin Kaylock lambasted the New Englanders as “unpatriotic and cowardly.” This inflamed the situation even more. By 1937, the separatist sentiment in New England has gotten so strong that the government of New England eventually voted to become an independent republic.

 
New Englander soldiers with New Netherlander armored cannons on field exercises in Masonia, New England during a military exercise.

New Netherland was the first nation to openly recognize the newly independent Republic of New England. Together with Mexico, New Netherland openly pledged to defend New England should Britain carry out its threat of invasion. This would lead to the largest mobilization of the New Netherland military during peacetime. Eventually due to the ongoing war in Europe, Britain never followed through with its threat of invasion and recognized New England's independence in 1941.

This was seen as a diplomatic victory for New Netherland, having removed British influence near its borders and gaining a new ally in New England.

The Tussenland Diplomatic Crisis

On the 3rd of September 1935, Tussenland entered the war on the side of Britain. This was after the sinking of the Tussenlander ship PWHS Potouwatomie which was blamed on the French navy. This raised worry and suspicion from within New Netherland, as it could mean more British interference on the American continent. This period of uncertainty was known as the Tussenland diplomatic crisis.

 
Soldiers taking cover behind a hedge during the "Tussenland war games" these excersises where largely there to perform the effectiviness of the NNL military, as well as being used for political pressure

In August 1937, New Amsterdam and Mexico City had correspondence with the French diplomatic delegation. Édouard Boissonade, French ambassador to America, invited New Netherland and Mexico to join the war on the Tripartite Coalition's side. In the case of a French victory, Boissonade promised Mexico City the return of Tussenlander territory formerly part of the Mexican Empire (the Misuri provinces), and promised New Amsterdam territory in Irokesenland and Meerenland. While New Netherland initially expressed doubts about the deal, Mexico considered the offer. Mexico's positive response to the offer was eventually leaked, which led to Tussenland exercising more caution.

As a result, the Tussenland government realized that the war, which was an ocean away, could potentially come in front of its doorstep, which would lead public support to evaporate. Upon realizing that Tussenland was unwilling to fight a war against New Netherland and Mexico, the Free Destiny Party (the ruling party of N.N.L.) began a campaign of military posturing. The goal was to sever Tussenland’s ties with Great Britain by pressuring Tussenland to drop out of the war. This was eventually achieved in 1937 when Tussenland announced its withdrawal from the war, knowing that it would be fatal to its national security. This achieved a long-term New Netherlander geostrategic aim. Eventually, the New Tussenland Alliance (the ruling party of Tussenland at the time) was voted out during the elections in the same year, and replaced with a republican government friendly to New Netherland. These events laid out the foundations for the creation of the Association of North American Nations (ANAN).

Post-war era

Abraham Boot's government under the Free Destiny Party (1939-1943)

Abraham Boot was elected raedspensionaris in the New Netherland elections of 1939. Boot was a member of the Free Destiny Party and a close ally of his predecessor, Jan Kaspar Knip. Boot promised to continue Knip's American Way platform while also relaxing immigration controls in the country. During his tenure, the New Netherland economy grew slowly but steadily, with numerous new industrial plants built and public infrastructure expanded. However, organized crime became more prevalent during his rule. The rise of criminal gangs, known as simmorias (from Greek συμμορία, symmoría, meaning gang), was most perceptible in urban areas like New Amsterdam. During the final years of Boot's tenure, his political opponents used the rise of organized crime to smear his government's reputation. This was a significant factor in his declining popularity.

United Patriotic Front government (1943-1947)

During the 1943 election campaign, the opposition parties formed the United Patriotic Front, which included the NNL Unity Party (the founding party of New Netherland), the newly formed National-Republican Party of New Netherland, and several smaller parties. This coalition was led by Frank Zuylen, who promised to reduce crime in New Netherland while also promoting protectionism, non-interventionism, and a chauvinistic approach towards immigration.

Many policies implemented by the previous administration were reversed during Zuylen's tenure, and new immigration and border security policies were implemented. Furthermore, the military of the New Netherland was expanded. However, his administration was unable to keep many of its earlier promises and was also confronted with the growing labor movement. Workers and laborers demanded the passage of a minimum wage law and the establishment of a new labor code, but the government was slow to act, culminating in the New Netherland Worker's Strike in September 1946.

By the end of 1946, the United Patriotic Front had become unpopular. The UPF government was replaced in 1947 by a coalition of the Free Destiny Party and the Labor Party.

Güman era: 1947–1963

Edgar Güman administration (1947-1955)

 
Edgar Güman in 1950

The new coalition government was dubbed the Güman bloc, named after its leader, Edgar Güman, who also served as the raedspensionaris. Under the leadership of the Güman bloc, several laws were passed regarding the regulation of commerce, industry, and labor.

New labor laws

During the Güman bloc administration, labor unions attained their highest levels of membership, visibility, prestige, and political clout. The majority of these unions also backed the government's anti-European and pro-American cooperation ideals. In 1946, the New Netherland Ministry of Labor was instituted, and in 1947, the reformed New Netherland Labor Code was established. These developments in New Netherland also inspired the labor movements of neighboring countries.

Renewed American cooperation

Edgar Güman's government also paid special attention to the formation of a formal multilateral security framework for North America, intending to keep European influence on the continent to a minimum. Together, Tussenland, Mexico, Virginia, New Netherland, and New England discussed a future strategy for driving European influence out of North America, including the creation of the American Security Council in 1948. This eventually evolved into the Association of North American Nations in 1951.

Marieke Güman administration (1955-1964)

 
Marieke Güman in 1955

In 1955, Edgar Güman finished his two terms as raedspensionaris and is no longer eligible for the position for a third term, despite his popularity. He was succeeded by his wife, Marieke Güman (née Wierinck). Previously, Marieke Güman was part of the First Chamber of the New Netherland States-General from 1947-1951, and has served as the Minister of Labor from 1951-1953. Her government saw the passing of the Social Security Law (Socialsekerheydswet) in 1955.

Pavonia Standoff (1955)

In 1955, a political conspiracy to overthrow Marieke Güman's government and install Colonel Johannes Veldthuys as dictator was uncovered before it could happen. Johannes Veldthuys was notable for his views against the Güman administration, having called it a "corrupt aristocracy" in 1954. He was reportedly approached by like-minded wealthy businessmen (who were allegedly opposed to the Guman administration's increasingly strict labor laws) and was convinced to organize a coup. The coup was supposed to happen before Edgar Güman's term ends in 1955 but was delayed due to logistical issues with Veldthuys' brigade.

When Marieke Güman was elected as raedspensionaris, she had already received reports of this alleged secret conspiracy and had ordered a probe into the matter. On 11 November 1955, a government raid was launched at a military base in Camp Laer, Pavonia, where Veldthuys and his brigade were stationed. Members of parliament came to the base and forced Veldthuys and his men to stand down. Several personnel surrendered, however, men loyal to Veldthuys refused to do so, resulting in a 37-hour skirmish with pro-government forces. Veldthuys and his forces were soon overran. He and several members of his brigade were captured and stood trial.

 
Armored formations of the 8th regiment that took part in arresting Veldthuys parading through the marching grounds in New Amsterdam.

Although Veldthuys refused to disclose the names of his corporate backers, it is widely believed that a number of influential figures from some of New Netherland's biggest corporations, including some executives from Jonkman Enterprises, Hedel Standard Oil, New Netherland Steel, and Tepperik-Koenders Holdings, were involved. Despite the fact that no one from these organizations has ever faced treason charges, it has contributed to the financial ruin of some of them. Such was the case with Hedel Standard Oil, which suffered a significant loss of investors and ultimately filed for bankruptcy before being absorbed by Jonkman Enterprises (as the Jonkman Oil Company).

The affair strengthened Marieke Güman's popularity, leading to her reelection as raedspensionaris in the 1959 elections.

Political realignments in the 1960s

By the 1960s, the political dynamics within the Güman bloc began to shift. A growing middle class and increased support for greater economic integration with the Association of North American Nations (ANAN) emerged as dominant trends within the bloc. These shifts in political alignment isolated Marieke Güman and her allies who were concerned about the intensified competition resulting from freer trade with other ANAN members.

The disagreement came to a head in January 1963, when a large strike occurred at the New Netherland Steel Company. Güman's administration openly supported the strike, which many within the Güman bloc saw as too radical and as failing to strike a balance between industry and labor interests. As a result, Güman was expelled from the Labor Party. However, the States-General allowed Güman to continue her term given that the upcoming New Netherland General elections were only a month away.

In response to her expulsion, Güman, along with a number of prominent figures from the New Netherland Labor Party, established a new party in February 1963, known as the People's Party. It attracted the Güman bloc's more radical members, effectively leading to the bloc’s disintegration.

The remaining members of the now dysfunctional Güman bloc (initially a coalition between the Free Destiny Party and the New Netherland Labor Party) chose to formalize their alliance by merging into a single political party. This new party, known as the "Nieuw Zeyven Congress" or the Zeyven Party, appealed to the growing middle class and those in favor of stronger integration with the ANAN states. The Zeyven Party was led by S. S. de Haese, and enjoyed popular support in New Netherland, eventually emerging victorious in the 1963 General Elections.

Zeyven party rule (1963-1971)

The post-Guman era saw the maturation of Gumanist policies as industrial expansion led to a surge in skilled professions. The new job market, combined with an educated populace, gave rise to a strong middle class. This demographic, characterized by increased disposable income and higher educational attainment, began to exert significant influence, becoming more politically active and consumer-oriented.

The Zeyven era was also notable for high annual inflation, driven by rising consumer expenditures, wage hikes, and increased accessibility to credit. These issues compounded and eventually led to the New Netherland currency crisis.

S.S. de Haese administration (1963-1971)

 
Portrait of S.S. de Haese

De Haese's economic strategies were crucial to fostering a consumer-centric economy, deviating from the industrial-heavy focus of the previous era. His administration emphasized deregulation favorable to small businesses, facilitating a retail boom, and nurturing a service-oriented sector. Tax incentives for homeowners and credit expansion policies were also enacted.

Education policies under de Haese also emphasized quality and competitive standards. In 1965, his government passed the Competitive Education Law, which strengthened educational programs, bolstering teacher training programs, and incentivizing private sector partnerships.

Enhanced regional mobility and inter-American trade

S.S. de Haese was also instrumental in initiating significant reforms in the AmFAST system (American Framework for Screening and Travel). In collaboration with neighboring states, New England, Virginia, and Tussenland, de Haese advocated for the expansion of the existing AmFAST pre-check system to include pre-authorized importers, carriers, and drivers, offering expedited clearance for eligible goods, eventually becoming what is today the RAPID system (Revised American Pre-screening and Identification system). This not only strengthened economic ties with neighboring regions but also reinforced New Netherland's stance on enhancing regional trade, mobility, and security.

In 1967, S.S. de Haese secured a resounding victory in his bid for re-election, largely attributed to the economic prosperity that characterized his first term.

Cornelis Holowatie administration (1971-1975)

Cornelis Holowatie, former Minister of Trade and Industry under S. S. de Haese, rose to the role of raedspensionaris in 1971. Holowatie was a polarizing figure in New Netherland politics. Being of Ruthenian descent, his ascendancy to the role was a divergence from the traditional Dutch or English lineage of previous leaders. Despite his close ties to De Haese and his credentials within the Zeyven party, his ethnic background was a frequent point of contention in conservative circles in the early years of his tenure.

1973 global oil crisis and the inflationary crisis

Oil prices peaked during Holowatie's leadership, leading to several economic repercussions, including significant increases in fuel and energy prices, heightened inflation rates, and a growing trade deficit. These economic pressures were not unique to New Netherland but were part of a broader global economic downturn, following the nationalization of the oil industries in the United Gulf States and other near eastern nations. However, public sentiment primarily focused on the Holowatie's handling of the situation, which was perceived to be inadequate. The economic distress became synonymous with his leadership. This adversely impacted the Zeyven Party's public popularity, giving rise to the Patriotic Revival Movement, a populist political party with ties to the disbanded United Patriotic Front of the 1940s.

The rising inflation resulted in emergence to the new economic school of thought known as as chrematic economics. Advocates of chrematic economics scrutinized the policies implemented under Holowatie and the Zeyven Party, contending that their strategies of credit expansion and wage hikes increasing the money supply were significant contributors to the inflationary trends.

Patriotic revival movement era (1975-1979)

George von Valkenstein administration (1975–1979)

 
Von Valkenstein in 1976

In the 1975 elections, the Patriotic Revival Movement (PRM), led by George von Valkenstein, successfully garnered widespread support through a campaign focused on economic recovery and national resurgence. Capitalizing on public dissatisfaction from the skyrocketing prices, the PRM promised economic stabilization and stronger cooperation within the ANAN. Their platform appealed to a wide voter base, from the economically affected middle class to business sectors seeking a more stable economy.

His administration established an economic committee to guide the central bank and implement measures for economic stability post the 1973 oil crisis. Domestically, Valkenstein focused on inflation control and domestic industry stimulation. In foreign policy, he adopted an aggressive stance against Russia, contributing to heightened international tensions. Von Valkenstein was also an avid supporter of space research, supporting the endeavors of the American Rocketry Commission.

Controversial Tussenlander immigration quota (1976-1979)

Valkenstein also introduced a controversial immigration quota for workers immigrating from Tussenland from 1976-1979, which he saw as a means to counter the gradual rise of unemployment within New Netherlander citizens, who Valkenstein perceived were losing jobs to Tussenlanders. This move was acknowledged and allowed by the Tussenlander government, led by Anssem Sjestakow, who was concerned with an ongoing brain drain in high-tech industries. However, the move was unpopular within supporters of the ANAN framework.

Participation in the Alyeskan War of Independence (1978-1979)

Under the Von Valkenstein administration, an agreement was made with the ANAN military council to deploy military assets to Alyeska in support of its independence struggle. While initially these actions were applauded by members of the public and different political parties, it was only after the deployment roster was made public, that the first turmoil began. During the lead-up to the conflict, as the Nieuw-Nederlandse Krÿgsmaegt was mustering its forces for immediate deployment, the Von Valkenstein administration had often stated that only several brigades and a battle group would be sent to Alyeska. The administration claimed that Nieuw-Nederlandse Krÿgsmacht intelligence had assessed that Russian forces in the region did not necessitate a larger deployment. These claims, however, were later proven false and unsubstantiated.

It was in the prelude to the conflict that between the 11th of February and 19th of February 1978, hundreds of thousands of citizens around Nieuw-Nederland all received the same letter from the Nieuw-Nederlandse Krÿgsmaegt. All of the letters said the same thing, that they were being called up to their units and were to assemble in their designated areas on the 25th of February. It was this, that the fact that not just the Kommandos, was called up by the reservists as well. It was this that immediately set off alarms and on a House of the Burgher debate, many representatives asked von Valkenstein why hundreds of thousands of men had received the call-up order.

It was here that the facade that had persisted for the past two weeks broke. In response to the mounting pressure, Von Valkenstein attempted to explain the situation but ultimately admitted: “After recent intelligence has come to light, I have on advice of the Read der Defensie, permitted a mass mobilization of our manpower…we expect this conflict to be more bloody than we thought it would be.”

Failure to address inflation

 
Inflation in NNL from 1930-1985

Despite Von Valkenstein's promises of reining in inflation during his 1975 campaign, his administration was largely ineffective in combating it. While he sought advice from both the Leiden and Chrematic schools of economic thought, Von Valkenstein ultimately hesitated to implement more drastic reforms.

Several import-heavy industries, particularly those dependent on raw materials, lobbied against the adoption of chrematic policies, fearing that a shift toward a floating decretal currency would raise the cost of imports and destabilize their operations.

Additionally, conservative economists within his administration persuaded him to refrain from radical economic changes, arguing that inflation was a temporary consequence of market fluctuations and that it would correct itself naturally over time.

Instead of implementing economic reforms, Von Valkenstein's policies mirrored those of his predecessors, focusing on conventional methods. Heightened government spending during the Alyeskan War further worsened inflation, which surged to 12.8% by the end of his term, marking an all-time high. This inaction fueled public calls for more decisive measures to address the inflationary crisis and paved the way for the resurgence of the Progressive Party.

Progressive Party rule (1979-1987)

As the 1979 elections drew closer, calls for economic reform grew. The Progressive Party, led by Russell d'Foreest, campaigned on a technocratic and meritocratic platform, promising to implement governance based on quantitative and scientific methodologies. This approach stood in sharp contrast to previous administrations, which d'Foreest criticized for their "reliance on emotional appeals and subjective decision-making." D'Foreest’s pragmatic stance resonated with a public disillusioned by years of ineffective policies, offering an alternative to the political status quo.

 
Russell d'Foreest in 1983

Currency and economic reform

One of d'Foreest's major policies was adopting a new currency to reinvigorate New Netherland's economy. The Progressive Party, alongside chrematic economists, argued that a floating currency would provide greater monetary flexibility for managing economic challenges. In 1980, the government established the National Monetary Commission (NMC), gathering economic experts and stakeholders from various sectors to assess the reforms. Much of the NMC's work was led by Anja Blauveldt, founder of the Institute for Econometry and Analysis (IEA) and a key proponent of chrematic economics.

The banking sector and export-based and high-tech industries strongly supported the reforms, expecting a weaker currency to boost exports. In contrast, raw material-dependent industries resisted the proposed changes. A compromise was reached, offering tax cuts to import-heavy businesses to mitigate higher costs from the currency shift.

In 1982, the government announced that the Sewant would be adopted as the new national currency and established the independent central bank, the Amerikaens Monetarie Autoriteyt (AMA), to manage its transition and ensure stability. The government launched launched public relations campaigns to educate and instill confidence in the Sewant. By 1983, the AMA released detailed plans for a phased rollout of the Sewant, publishing a white paper on its specifications and prompting banks to update their software in anticipation. Economic simulations were conducted to evaluate the new currency's potential impact.

By 1984, preparations for the Sewant's infrastructure began, with a pilot program in select cities allowing dual pricing in both the old currency and the Sewant. In January 1985, the Sewant was introduced as the official electronic currency for interbank transactions, with physical currency to follow. Retailers were encouraged to adopt dual pricing, while the old currency remained in circulation.

In 1986, physical Sewant currency was introduced, gradually phasing out the old currency as the Sewant became fully integrated into the economy.

See also